It's not just Switzerland and France; the Netherlands also has a private-only health insurance system. It's also very difficult to draw decisive conclusions since, across countries, there are hundreds of confounding variables — it's not just public vs private, but it's also which regulations exist in each country, whether it's employer-sponsored vs individual, general willingness to pay, etc. You're correct that Switzerland has a system like the ACA in the US, but the biggest difference is that it's not common for the Swiss to get their private insurance from their employers; it's all on the individual market. The US is actually unique in that regard, and is probably the most significant difference — the vast majority of working age adults in the US get their insurance from their employers, and as a result the ACA's individual market has been in a dire state since the program's inception.
Also "socialization" is very different from "nationalization". The general trend you're talking about is more to do with the fact that having society subsidize healthcare for the poor can lead to better outcomes. As it relates to who actually does the insuring, underwriting, and payment (public vs private), one isn't necessarily better than the other; each has its trade-offs. It's just that the US (in particular) has chosen the worst of both worlds.
I work in this industry, and from where I sit, the closest thing we have to a clean A/B test that controls for all of those confounding variables is actually being run in the US right now, with Medicare. When you turn 65, you have the option to enroll either in "Original Medicare", which is what we usually think of when we talk about "single payer healthcare in America", or you can enroll in Medicare Advantage (aka Medicare "Part C"), where the premiums that would go to the CMS instead go to private insurers like Humana, United, Oscar Health, Aetna, Clover, etc. These plans replace Original Medicare.
- 48% of Medicare beneficiaries are on private Medicare Advantage plans instead of the public "Original Medicare". Because everyone is entitled to "Original Medicare", this is purely voluntary. This number has been growing so rapidly that the CBO projects that by 2023, the majority of beneficiaries with choose the private over the public option. The CBO further projects this proportion to increase to 61%(!!) by 2032. (https://www.kff.org/medicare/issue-brief/medicare-advantage-...)
- In Urban areas, Medicare Advantage costs less per capita to administer than Medicare — and that's not including the extra Medicare Part D insurance that you would have to buy if you're on the Original Medicare plan (https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2...)
So no, you cannot look the cost difference between the US and other countries and simply conclude that it's because of private insurance, because the actual data tells a different story. And "universal healthcare" is not the same as "public" healthcare. It might help to think about it this way: universal access to food can be achieved without nationalizing the food industry, or the food payment industry.
It's the mutuelle. The way healthcare works here, the essential medical stuff is reimbursed by the universal healthcare system (sécurité sociale), and the rest is out of pocket. The mutuelle covers the part that's normally for you to pay, which can be quite significant for dentistry and glasses. My employer currently gives me a mutuelle that's decent to start with, and I chose to pay a 15€/month premium for increased coverage.
For example I just got a 900€ dentist bill recently. By default the sécurité sociale would just reimburse 300€ of it, for the essential care as well as a standard deductible on dental crowns. With my current mutuelle there's only 3€ left for me to pay.
That's a mandatory complementary insurance, the base costs are covered by the national insurance. It's a confusing situation that's somewhat similar to the US in that it's wasteful, pointless and mostly serves some private interests, but on a much smaller scale.
> Medicare Advantage Plans are another way to get your Medicare Part A and Part B coverage. Medicare Advantage Plans, sometimes called “Part C” or “MA Plans,” are offered by Medicare-approved private companies that must follow rules set by Medicare. (emphasis added)
Those rules are, IIUC, substantively different than the ones that cover the non-medicare private insurance industry, and as a result I'm not sure what any of the (true) facts that you've quoted really mean in the context of the questions being asked here.
Also, from reading up about MA, it would seem that MA is operating on the "HMO" (health maintainance organization) model that started to be touted in the 1990s. AFAIK, the HMO model has not done much to contain consts in the broader US private health insurance world. It would be interesting to know if it is specifically the combination of the HMO model and Medicare rules that has allowed MA to apparently work better than OM.
I actually work in this industry and adjust claims myself from time to time, so I love talking about this stuff!
> that must follow rules set by Medicare. (emphasis added)
Yeah, I'm not sure that anyone seriously believes that insurance companies should operate in a 100% unregulated fashion. Even the US's food industry (which is predominately privatized) is regulated in some capacity. The argument is whether regulated private insurance can deliver good outcomes. That is very much the case, as evidenced by Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Medicare Advantage.
> Those rules are, IIUC, substantively different than the ones that cover the non-medicare private insurance industry, and as a result I'm not sure what any of the (true) facts that you've quoted really mean in the context of the questions being asked here.
First of all, the non-Medicare private insurance industry is heavily regulated, often more so than Medicare Advantage private insurers. In fact, you raise an important point: it's important to consider which specific regulations are helping and which are hurting. Outside of Medicare Advantage, there are regulations that strictly control insurance company's profit margins, how much of premiums can be spent on collecting medical claims (see: the 80/20 rule and Medical Loss Ratio rules), the fact that every beneficiary must be treated exactly the same (ERISA, parts of ACA), a minimum amount of coverage required (the ACA added this), the employer mandate (ACA), etc.
To give you a sense for some of the unintended consequences that have been created by regulations on non-Medicare Advantage health insurance plans, due to Federal mandates and tax incentives, health insurance is predominately provided by employers rather than the individual market (unlike Switzerland, Germany, or the Netherlands). What we're seeing in healthcare costs is analogous to what you might see happen to airline ticket costs if we all got our air tickets through our employers: the vast majority of us would fly business class, while the unemployed would be simply unable to pay for business class fares out of pocket. A big reason for this is that employers (especially medium-to-large businesses) have a much higher purchasing power (and hence, willingness to pay) than individuals. If you take this behavior and combine it with the fact that health insurers' profit margins are capped by law, insurers pay more absolute dollars for treatments (which doctors happily accept), charge more to employers (who are generally less price conscious vs individuals), thus bring in more absolute revenue, and therefore more profit because a capped profit percentage of a higher revenue is higher than a capped percentage of lower revenue. It's somewhat counter-intuitive, but the policy combination of an employer mandate and insurance profit cap results in increased prices.
This cocktail of regulations does not exist for Medicare Advantage insurers — even though they are still regulated in different ways. That's a very important distinction. Currently, Medicare Advantage insurers are allowed to return 50 percent to 70 percent of any cost savings to beneficiaries in the form of reduced premiums or expanded benefits — whereas with employer-sponsored insurance, even if such cost savings existed, they would accrue to employers (unbeknownst to worker beneficiaries) — and that's assuming there are cost savings for employers; there aren't, due to the aforementioned regulatory concoction. A big part of why Medicare Advantage actually works really well is because it's effectively a basic income for health insurance, it's just that individuals are empowered to use those dollars to buy whichever healthcare plan meets their needs (including a public option), as opposed to being forced to choose among a small selection of plans curated by an employer.
> Also, from reading up about MA, it would seem that MA is operating on the "HMO" (health maintainance organization) model that started to be touted in the 1990s. AFAIK, the HMO model has not done much to contain consts in the broader US private health insurance world. It would be interesting to know if it is specifically the combination of the HMO model and Medicare rules that has allowed MA to apparently work better than OM.
Medicare Advantage plans can both be HMOs as well as PPOs (https://www.medicare.gov/types-of-medicare-health-plans/pref...), it's just that there happen to be many MA plans that are HMOs. HMOs can have very good outcomes with significant cost savings (think of the pre-2010 UK NHS as a public HMO), but can also have bad outcomes if managed poorly (think of the 2022 NHS or US's VA as poorly managed public HMOs). With Medicare Advantage, seniors have the option to choose.
The obvious regulation which almost every other country has is direct price controls on medicines, treatments etc. Not profit percentage controls. A dead simple “this is how much you’re allowed to charge”.
I don’t really understand why anybody would be against introducing this in the US.
It is not so obvious at all. Medicare Advantage does not have price controls, and it still costs less per capita than Original Medicare.
> A dead simple “this is how much you’re allowed to charge”.
This has its own set of unintended consequences, including physician rationing (it's a huge crisis of the NHS right now), and a reduction of investment in new medical research. There are many good reasons to be against introducing this in the US.
Switzerland does not have price controls on medicines, treatments, etc. and the reason why it is so often cited is because it enjoys a comparable level of healthcare innovation to the US while still ensuring universal access (through its ACA-like subsidies). It also costs a lot per capita (among the highest in the OECD), but it actually gets what it pays for (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26766626/) (https://www.theweek.in/news/world/2022/05/07/7-reasons-why-s...)
In fact, of the countries that usually make up the global leaders in health/medical innovators, all but 1 (the UK) engage in price controls (https://immigrantinvest.com/insider/the-best-healthcare-coun...), and the UK's NHS is suffering from a rationing crisis, and (ironically) a cost crisis.
> In fact, of the countries that usually make up the global leaders in health/medical innovators, all but 1 (the UK) engage in price controls (https://immigrantinvest.com/insider/the-best-healthcare-coun...), and the UK's NHS is suffering from a rationing crisis, and (ironically) a cost crisis.
The UK's difficulty lie in their leadership and political issues and in the economic consequences of Brexit. I'm not sure it's the best example for your argument.
The NHS's difficulty lies in the simple fact that it is understaffed (https://www.express.co.uk/life-style/health/1633058/general-...) and the staff are underpaid (https://www.bbc.com/news/newsbeat-62290577) — leading to unprecedented wait times. This is because the "list prices" that the NHS pays for GP, nurses, and services are not subject to market forces, they are set by the government. The government is currently failing to address the supply loss with little political will to increase list prices (which propagate to the consumer through increased taxes). Brexit's influence is tenuous at best. Switzerland is also not part of the EU and doesn't face this problem. At best, Brexit exacerbated an already existing pricing problem.
Where you're correct is that the difficulty lies in leadership's inability to actually change the prices to attract the supply necessary to reflect the increase in demand — and that's because the Single Provider system is tied to politics rather than market forces. The NHS is a third rail of politics and real reform is extremely difficult given the political buy-in necessary. In contrast, the private sector can (and will) increase prices to overcome demand — we see this happening in Switzerland (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26766626/).
> The system offers a high degree of choice and direct access to all levels of care with virtually no waiting times
So where we may agree to disagree is that the NHS's woes are in fact a very strong example of the greater argument, on net.
> The NHS's difficulty lies in the simple fact that it is understaffed and underpaid — leading to unprecedented wait times. This is because the "list prices" that the NHS pays for GP, nurses, and services are not subject to market forces, they are set by the government. The government is currently failing to address the supply loss with little political will to increase list prices.
And the US's problem is that the list prices it pays for GPs, nurses, and services are subject to market forces and thus are too high. The government is currently failing to address the service provision loss with little political will to decrease list prices (even though they would propagate through to consumers as decreased costs).
It seems to me that there's no getting around the need for good governance here. And that lack of it is no excuse for not governing at all.
> And the US's problem is that the list prices it pays for GPs, nurses, and services are subject to market forces and thus are too high. The government is currently failing to address the service provision loss with little political will to decrease list prices (even though they would propagate through to consumers as decreased costs).
Yeah that's completely untrue; the list prices that insurers pay for GPs are heavily inflated by the market distortions introduced by the Federal government. I don't know if you read any of what I've written up-thread, but I'll paste the relevant parts here for your benefit:
"First of all, the non-Medicare private insurance industry is heavily regulated, often more so than Medicare Advantage private insurers. In fact, you raise an important point: it's important to consider which specific regulations are helping and which are hurting. Outside of Medicare Advantage, there are regulations that strictly control insurance company's profit margins, how much of premiums can be spent on collecting medical claims (see: the 80/20 rule and Medical Loss Ratio rules), the fact that every beneficiary must be treated exactly the same (ERISA, parts of ACA), a minimum amount of coverage required (the ACA added this), the employer mandate (ACA), etc.
To give you a sense for some of the unintended consequences that have been created by regulations on non-Medicare Advantage health insurance plans, due to Federal mandates and tax incentives, health insurance is predominately provided by employers rather than the individual market (unlike Switzerland, Germany, or the Netherlands). What we're seeing in healthcare costs is analogous to what you might see happen to airline ticket costs if we all got our air tickets through our employers: the vast majority of us would fly business class, while the unemployed would be simply unable to pay for business class fares out of pocket. A big reason for this is that employers (especially medium-to-large businesses) have a much higher purchasing power (and hence, willingness to pay) than individuals. If you take this behavior and combine it with the fact that health insurers' profit margins are capped by law, insurers pay more absolute dollars for treatments (which doctors happily accept), charge more to employers (who are generally less price conscious vs individuals), thus bring in more absolute revenue, and therefore more profit because a capped profit percentage of a higher revenue is higher than a capped percentage of lower revenue. It's somewhat counter-intuitive, but the policy combination of an employer mandate and insurance profit cap results in increased prices."
Put simply, the US healthcare industry is not subject to traditional market forces.
> The government is currently failing to address the service provision loss with little political will to decrease list prices (even though they would propagate through to consumers as decreased costs).
It's quite clear that the reason the government is not doing this is because it would further exacerbate the staffing shortage and lead to even higher wait times. That's not a political problem, that's a hard economics problem.
> It seems to me that there's no getting around the need for good governance here. And that lack of it is no excuse for not governing at all.
There is a key governance difference between making the decision to lift distortionary regulations once & up-front so as to unblock efficient resources allocation vs actively having to continuously adjust resource allocation. With the former, you just have to trust that the "good governance" happens once, whereas with the latter, you have to trust that "good governance" happens forever (politics notwithstanding). The Swiss chose the former, whereas the UK struggles with the latter. Domestically in the US, Medicare Advantage is a proven model — and the governance prescription here is to have the entire private insurance industry look more like Medicare Advantage.
> big reason for this is that employers (especially medium-to-large businesses) have a much higher purchasing power (and hence, willingness to pay) than individuals.
I'm going to call you on this point, because what you're hinting at, whether you realize it or not, is that employers need to step up their medical care spend management game, which if implemented, looks damn near dystopian. As someone that works in insuretech, the number of times I've raised concerns about revealing too much about the shape of medical spend to employers is scary to quantify, because once you start going down that road, it isn't that far to "huh, 20% of our workforce is 80% of spend" hrrrm...
We do not want to be going down the road where employers are singled out as the appropriate optimizers there.
That's not what I'm suggesting at all. The point I'm making is that employers are not capable of being optimizers because they will generally be willing to spend more on medical care than individuals, and it's because they think about money very differently from individuals. Employers are generally able to swallow a premium increase of $15,000 -> $20,000 per employee per year (it just gets rolled up into total compensation). It's usually a drop in the bucket for employers, but to an individual that's actually a lot of money. It's the same reason why corporations typically cover business class (or economy plus) air travel without blinking an eye, whereas many individuals spring for basic economy depending on their willingness to pay. Showing employers the shape of their medical care spend doesn't change that equation all that much for the same reason that enterprises today are willing to spend more on SaaS licenses than individuals (or even small businesses) regardless of how precisely their QuickBooks or NetSuite instance shows them the shape of their SaaS spend. I work in insuretech too, sometimes even work directly with employer HR teams, and see this behavior all the time. We agree that employers should not be the optimizers here. It's not that they need to step up their spend management game, it's that the way they play that game will always be different from the way individuals play that game, and that's a big part of why per capita $'s spent are even able to be so inflated in the first place.
What I'm suggesting is that the proven private sector model is one where employers are simply not involved, not a part of the equation. Private insurance purchased on the individual market. That's exactly how it works in Switzerland, the Netherlands, and also how it works in Medicare Advantage (seniors directly buy their insurance plans using dollars they theoretically set aside over the course of their lifetime through Medicare FICA taxes).
The most practical way to get there, in America, would be to either enact Medicare Advantage For All, or to tweak the employer mandate to only include ICHRAs rather than group health insurance. ICHRAs are employer-sponsored funds (in lieu of employer sponsored insurance) that the employee-beneficiary uses to buy health insurance on the individual market.
Most countries don't have price controls, they have purchasing controls for their Healthcare systems. There is a huge difference.
For example, if someone makes a pill that cost $1 million to live one more day, they can sell it, but most national health services won't buy it.
In the US, the national health services and insurance companies are mandated to buy it, and a byzantine system of price controls ensure we only pay 900k.
A big problem with this approach is that if the price limit makes certain medicines unprofitable to invent and produce, they will not be invented and/or produced.
This is of course already happening since, most of the world has price controls. The US market is probably financing most of the world's medical research, and if we stop paying so much, it may shrink a lot.
Also "socialization" is very different from "nationalization". The general trend you're talking about is more to do with the fact that having society subsidize healthcare for the poor can lead to better outcomes. As it relates to who actually does the insuring, underwriting, and payment (public vs private), one isn't necessarily better than the other; each has its trade-offs. It's just that the US (in particular) has chosen the worst of both worlds.
I work in this industry, and from where I sit, the closest thing we have to a clean A/B test that controls for all of those confounding variables is actually being run in the US right now, with Medicare. When you turn 65, you have the option to enroll either in "Original Medicare", which is what we usually think of when we talk about "single payer healthcare in America", or you can enroll in Medicare Advantage (aka Medicare "Part C"), where the premiums that would go to the CMS instead go to private insurers like Humana, United, Oscar Health, Aetna, Clover, etc. These plans replace Original Medicare.
- 48% of Medicare beneficiaries are on private Medicare Advantage plans instead of the public "Original Medicare". Because everyone is entitled to "Original Medicare", this is purely voluntary. This number has been growing so rapidly that the CBO projects that by 2023, the majority of beneficiaries with choose the private over the public option. The CBO further projects this proportion to increase to 61%(!!) by 2032. (https://www.kff.org/medicare/issue-brief/medicare-advantage-...)
- For most beneficiaries, Medicare Advantage costs about 40% less than Original Medicare and are, on average, of higher quality than Original Medicare (https://healthpayerintelligence.com/news/medicare-advantage-...)
- In Urban areas, Medicare Advantage costs less per capita to administer than Medicare — and that's not including the extra Medicare Part D insurance that you would have to buy if you're on the Original Medicare plan (https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-briefs/2...)
So no, you cannot look the cost difference between the US and other countries and simply conclude that it's because of private insurance, because the actual data tells a different story. And "universal healthcare" is not the same as "public" healthcare. It might help to think about it this way: universal access to food can be achieved without nationalizing the food industry, or the food payment industry.